13.6. Actional verbs III : Impersonal mood


Formation of actional verbs in the impersonal mood imperfective present : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker )


[1] preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)

[2] pre-stem {i-} (→ 11.6.)

[3] stem (→ 11.1.)

[4] fused ending (*) {-en} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)


(*) marker of imperfective aspect and the present tense


When an actional verb is in the impersonal mood, its possible complement is always in the 3rd person. And the latter never takes the plural marker.


Verbs in the impersonal mood are conjuguated also in the past tense, perfective, optative, future tense, etc like in the indicative mood with the same endings. Idem in the pluperfect, auditive past tense, future-in-the-past, prohibito-optative mood, votive mood, different kinds of converbs and adverbial clauses. But they have no imperative or prohibitive moods.

______________________________________________________________________


13.6.1. Examples of conjugation


Ulun « he goes»


« one goes, it is possible to go, they go »

aspectmoodtense etc

PZ west

AŞ-Ok’ordule

AŞ-Ortaalan

imperfectivepresent

ilven

ilen

ilinen

imperfectivepast

ilvert’u

ilert’u

ilinert’u

imperfectiveoptative

ilvert’as

ilert’ay

ilinert’ay

imperfectiveconverbs

ilvert’aşa

ilert’aşa

ilinert’aşa

simple perfective

il(v)u

ilu

[mend]ilinu (*)

perfectiveoptative

ilvas

ilay

ilinay

future

ilvasere

ilasen

ilinasen


(*) This form is always observed with affirmation profix.


aspectmodetense etc

FN-Ç’enneti

HP- Orta Hopa

ÇX

imperfectivepresent

ixtinen

ilen ~ ilinen

ilen

imperfectivepast

ixtinet’t’u

iline(r)t’u

ilet’u

imperfectiveoptative

ixtinet’t’az

iline(r)t’az

ilet’as

imperfectiveconverbs

ixtinet’t’aşa

iline(r)t’aşi

ilet’aşi

simple perfective

ixtinu

ilinu

ilu

perfectiveoptative

ixtinaz

ilinaz

ilas

future

ixtinasen

ilinasinon

ilasun



Mulun « he comes »


« one comes, it is possible to come, they come »

aspect/mode/tense

PZ west

-Ok’ordule

FN-Ç’enneti

HP- Orta Hopa

imperf. present

moilven

moilen

moixtinen

moilen ~ moilinen

imperf. past

moilvert’u

moilert’u

moixtinet’t’u

moiline(r)t’u

imperf. optative

moilvert’as

moilert’ay

moixtinet’t’az

moiline(r)t’az

imperf. converbs

moilvert’aşa

moilert’aşa

moixtinet’t’aşa

moiline(r)t’aşi

simpleperfective

moil(v)u

moilu

moixtinu

moilinu

perfective optative

moilvas

moilay

moixtinaz

moilinaz

future

moilvasere

moilasen

moixtinasen

moilinasinon

____________________________________________________________________________


13.6.2. Examples of sentences


k’vatums « he cuts »


ik’vaten ~ ik’vatinen « one cuts, it is possible to cut, they cut »


Limcis bu3xa var-ik’vaten. (PZ) It is not good to cut nails in the night.

Limci bu3xa var-ik’vaten. (ÇM)

Lumci bu3xa var-ik’vaten. (AŞ)

Lumciz bu3xa var-ik’vaten. (CentreEast)

______________________________________________________________________


13.7. Actional verbs IV : Experiential mood


13.7.1. Imperfective present tense

13.7.2. Imperfective past tense

13.7.3. Votive mood


The experiential mood expresses that one is experienced in an action. It does not matter when, where, how, how many times, with whom, why the action is done. This mood is always in the imperfective aspect as it expresses a state.


Verbs in the experiential mood govern obligatorily the subject in the dative case. The dative complement is not explicit. Its conjugation is monopersonal.


The formation of « experiential optative mood » or « experiential future tense » is theoretically possible. But we have not observed any example in natural conversation.

______________________________________________________________________


13.7.1. Experiential mood : Imperfective present tense


Formation : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker)


A. (PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ)


[1] preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)

[2] anteposed person marker II {m-}{g-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.2.)

[3] pre-stem {i-/u-} (→ 11.6.)

[4] stem (→ 11.1.)

[5] post-stem {-ap}(1),{-am}(2)

[6] fused ending (*) {-un},{-uran/-unan} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)


(*) marker of imperfective aspect, person, number and the present tense


(1) {-ap-} is homophonous with one of causative markers. (→ 12.5.)

(2) One case of {-am} is observed in Çamlıhemşin-Adeşen. (→ 13.7.1.1.)


B. (FN)(1) (AH)(HP)(ÇX)

[1] preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)

[2] anteposed person marker II {m-}{g-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.2.)

[3] pre-stem {i-/u-} (→ 11.6.)

[4] stem (→ 11.1.)

[5] fused ending (*) {-un},{-unan} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)


(*) marker of imperfective aspect, person, number and the present tense


(1) Western type formation is sometimes observed in Fındıklı.


The formation of some stative verbs is identical with the centro-eastern type formation of actional verbs in the experiential mood. They govern the same construction of sentence.

______________________________________________________________________


13.7.1.1. Conjugation in the experiential mood imperfective present tense


t’axums « he breaks »


ulun « he goes »


z*irams (PZ) « he sees », « he finds » (*)

~ ziray (ÇM)(AŞ)

~ z*i(r)oms (FN)(AH)(HP)

~ z*i(r)ops (HP)(ÇX)(AK)


(*) This verb means, in the dialects of Çamlıhemşin, only « he finds » in the indicative mood. In the experiential mood, in all diaects, it means « he is experienced in seeing such a thing or a person ».


« I am experienced in breaking such a thing » etc

« I am experienced in going to such a place » etc

« I am experienced in seeing such a thing or a person » etc


(PZ)

subject

t’axums

ulun

z*irams

1.sg.

mit’axapun

milvapun

miz*irapun

2.sg.

git’axapun

gilvapun

giz*irapun

3.sg.

ut’axapun

ulvapun

uz*irapun

1.pl.

mit’axapuran

milvapuran

miz*irapuran

2.pl.

git’axapuran

gilvapuran

giz*irapunan

3.pl.

ut’axapuran

ulvapuran

uz*irapuran


(ÇM-Ğvant)

subject

t’axuy

ulun

ziray

1.sg.

mit’axapun

milvapun

miziramun (***)

2.sg.

git’axapun

gilvapun

giziramun

3.sg.

ut’axapun

ulvapun

uziramun

1.pl.

mit’axapuran

milvapuran

miziramuran

2.pl.

git’axapuran

gilvapuran

giziramuran

3.pl.

ut’axapuran

ulvapuran

uziramuran


(AŞ)

subject

t’axuy

ulun

ziray

1.sg.

mit’axapun

milvapun

miziramun (***)

2.sg.

git’axapun

gilvapun

giziramun

3.sg.

ut’axapun

ulvapun

uziramun

1.pl.

mit’axapunan

milvapunan

miziramunan

2.pl.

git’axapunan

gilvapunan

giziramunan

3.pl.

ut’axapunan

ulvapunan

uziramunan


●●● (***) In the dialects of Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen, this verb seems to be the sole exception which takes the post-stem {-am-} in the experiential mood.


●●● By another way, in the dialects of Pazar-Çamlıhemşin, there is a verb which takes the exceptional post-stem {-um} in the experiential mood.


(PZ)(ÇM)


Pazar-Cigetore

Çamlıhemşin-Ğvant

subject

digurams

diguray

1.sing.

domigurumun/ demigurumun

domigurumun

2.sing.

dogigurumun/ degigurumun

dogigurumun

3.sing.

dugurumun

dugurumun

1.pl.

domigurumuran/ demigurumuran

domigurumuran

2.pl.

dogigurumuran/ degigurumuran

dogigurumuran

3.pl.

dugurumuran

dugurumuran


(CentreEast)

subject

t’axums ~ t’axups

ulun

z*i(r)oms ~ z*i(r)ops

1.sg.

mit’axun

mixtimun

miz*i(r)un

2.sg.

git’axun

gixtimun

giz*i(r)un

3.sg.

ut’axun

uxtimun

uz*i(r)un

1.pl.

mit’axunan

mixtimunan

miz*i(r)unan

2.pl.

git’axunan

gixtimunan

giz*i(r)unan

3.pl.

ut’axunan

uxtimunan

uz*i(r)unan


(HP-Azlağa)

subject

t’axums ~ t’axups

ulun

ziops (*)

1.sg.

mit’axun

mixtimun

miziun

2.sg.

git’axun

gixtimun

giziun

3.sg.

ut’axun

uxtimun

uziun

1.pl.

mit’axunan

mixtimunan

miziunan

2.pl.

git’axunan

gixtimunan

giziunan

3.pl.

ut’axunan

uxtimunan

uziunan


(*) In the dialect of HP-Azlağa, like in the Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen dialects, the phoneme /z/ corresponds to both /z*/ and /z/ phonemes of other dialects.

______________________________________________________________________


13.7.2. Experiential mood : Imperfective past tense


T’axums (he breaks), ulun (he goes)


« he was experienced in breaking such a thing before that event »

« he was experienced in going to such a place before that event »


(PZ)

subject

t’axums

ulun

1.sg.

mit’axapurt’u

milvapurt’u

2.sg.

git’axapurt’u

gilvapurt’u

3.sg.

ut’axapurt’u

ulvapurt’u

1.pl.

mit’axapurt’es

milvapurt’es

2.pl.

git’axapurt’es

gilvapurt’es

3.pl.

ut’axapurt’es

ulvapurt’es


(ÇM)(AŞ)

subject

t’axuy

ulun

1.sg.

mit’axapurt’u

milvapurt’u

2.sg.

git’axapurt’u

gilvapurt’u

3.sg.

ut’axapurt’u

ulvapurt’u

1.pl.

mit’axapurt’ey

milvapurt’ey

2.pl.

git’axapurt’ey

gilvapurt’ey

3.pl.

ut’axapurt’ey

ulvapurt’ey


(CentreEast)

subject

t’axums ~ t’axups

ulun

1.sg.

mit’axut’u

mixtimut’u

2.sg.

git’axut’u

gixtimut’u

3.sg.

ut’axut’u

uxtimut’u

1.pl.

mit’axut’ez ~ mit’axut’es

mixtimut’ez ~ mixtimut’es

2.pl.

git’axut’ez ~ git’axutes

gixtimut’ez ~ gixtimut’es

3.pl.

ut’axut’ez ~ ut’axut’es

uxtimut’ez ~ uxtimut’es

______________________________________________________________________


13.7.3. Experiential mood : Votive


T’axums (he breaks), ulun (he goes)


« I wish I were experienced in breaking such a thing » etc

« I wish I were experienced in going to such a place » etc


(PZ)

subject

t’axums

ulun

1.sg.

mit’axapurt’uk’o

milvapurt’uk’o

2.sg.

git’axapurt’uk’o

gilvapurt’uk’o

3.sg.

ut’axapurt’uk’o

ulvapurt’uk’o

1.pl.

mit’axapurt’ek’es

milvapurt’ek’es

2.pl.

git’axapurt’ek’es

gilvapurt’ek’es

3.pl.

ut’axapurt’ek’es

ulvapurt’ek’es


(ÇM)(AŞ)

subject

t’axuy

ulun

1.sg.

mit’axapurt’uk’o

milvapurt’uk’o

2.sg.

git’axapurt’uk’o

gilvapurt’uk’o

3.sg.

ut’axapurt’uk’o

ulvapurt’uk’o

1.pl.

mit’axapurt’ek’oy

milvapurt’ek’oy

2.pl.

git’axapurt’ek’oy

gilvapurt’ek’oy

3.pl.

ut’axapurt’ek’oy

ulvapurt’ek’oy


(CentreEast)

subject

t’axums ~ t’axups

ulun

1.sg.

mit’axut’uk’o

mixtimut’uk’o

2.sg.

git’axut’uk’o

gixtimut’uk’o

3.sg.

ut’axut’uk’o

uxtimut’uk’o

1.pl.

mit’axut’esko

mixtimut’esko

2.pl.

git’axut’esko

gixtimut’esko

3.pl.

ut’axut’esko

uxtimut’esko

______________________________________________________________________


13.8. Actional verbs V : Irregular verbs


13.8.1. Irregularity in the form of person marker

13.8.2. Irregularity in the place of person marker

13.8.3. Irregularity in the form of post-stem in the experiential mood

13.8.4. Verbs having polymorphic stem

13.8.5. Verbs having multiple roots

13.8.6. Verbs having forms without stem

13.8.7. Verbs having two kinds of post-stems

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.1. Irregularity in the form of person marker

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.1.1. Anteposed person markers I


13.8.1.1.1. azums (WestCentre)

13.8.1.1.2. ikums ~ ikoms ~ ikips

13.8.1.1.3. ilums (West, FN) ~ iloms (AH)

13.8.1.1.4. oroms (Centre)

13.8.1.1.5. urams (Centre)

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.1.1.1. yazums ~ azuy ~ azums (WestCentre)

« 1. he cuts (wood) ; 2. he planes (wood) »


X’azups (he cuts ; he planes) is a regular EA actional verb in eastern dialects.


In western and central dialects where the phoneme /x’/ disappeared, the verb corresponding yazums/ azuy/ azums became irregular : the 1st person subject marker does not take, before vowel, its regular form {v-/b-}, but {p’-} which is the normal variant before ejective consonant.


Besides, in the dialects of Pazar, 2nd and 3rd person forms are observed with prothetical consonant /y/.


indicativeimperfectivepresent

subject

PZ

ÇM, AŞ

FN, AH

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

p’azum

p’azum

p’azum

p’x’azup

2.sg.

yazum

azum

azum

x’azup

3.sg.

yazums

azuy

azums

x’azups

1.pl.

p’azumt

p’azumtu ~ p’azumte

p’azumt

p’x’azupt

2.pl.

yazumt

azumtu ~ azumte

azumt

x’azupt

3.pl.

yazuman

azuman

azuman

x’azupan


indicativeimperfectivepast tense

subject

PZ

ÇM, AŞ

FN, AH

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

p’azumt’i

p’azumt’i

p’azumt’i

p’x’azup’t’i

2.sg.

yazumt’i

azumt’i

azumt’i

x’azup’t’i

3.sg.

yazumt’u

azumt’u

azumt’u

x’azup’t’u

1.pl.

p’azumt’it

p’azumt’it(u) ~ p’azumt’it(e)

p’azumt’it

p’x’azup’t’it

2.pl.

yazumt’it

azumt’it(u) ~ azumt’it(e)

azumt’it

x’azup’t’it

3.pl.

yazumt’es

azumt’ey

azumt’ez

x’azup’t’ez


indicativesimple perfective

subject

PZ

ÇM, AŞ

FN, AH

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

p’azi

p’azi

p’azi

p’x’azi

2.sg.

yazi

azi

azi

x’azi

3.sg.

yazu

azu

azu

x’azu

1.pl.

p’azit

p’azit(u) ~ p’azit(e)

p’azit

p’x’azit

2.pl.

yazit

azit(u) ~ azit(e)

azit

x’azit

3.pl.

yazes

azey

azez

x’azez


●●● The potential mood present tense 3rd person singular of this verb is regularly ax’azen in eastern dialects.


The corresponding form in western and central dialects is generally ayazen with an epenthetical vowel /y/ which appears in place of the disappeared phoneme /x’/.


In Fındıklı-Ç’anapet, Ç’ennet etc, the form is aazen without epenthetical vowel. It is rare to meet the succession of same vowel at the beginning of Laz word.

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.1.1.2. ikums (West) ~ ikoms (Centre) ~ ikips (East) « he does » 


İkums/ ikoms/ ikips is an EA actional verb having mutiple roots. It is irregular in all dialects in the indicative mood perfective concerning the 1st person subject marker.


Hereunder the table of conjugation in the indicative mood perfective. Forms of simple perfective are generally preceded by affirmation profix : (West) dop’i, do(y)i, do(y)u ... ; (Centre) dop’i, dovi, dovu ....


(West)

subject

perfective

simple

optative

future

1.sg.

p’i

p’a

p’are ~ p’ar

2.sg.

i

a

are ~ ar

3.sg.

u

as ~ ay

asere ~ asen

1.pl.

p’it

p’at

p’atere ~ p’aten

2.pl.

it

at

atere ~ aten

3.pl.

es ~ ey

an

anere ~ anene ~ anen


●●● In western dialects, forms of 2nd and 3rd persons are without stem.

(→ 13.8.6. Verbs having forms without stem)


(FN)

subject

perfective

simple (*)

optative

future

1.sg.

p’i

p’a

p’are

2.sg.

i ~ vi

a ~ va

are ~ vare

3.sg.

u ~ vu

az ~vaz

asen ~ vasen

1.pl.

p’it

p’at

p’aten

2.pl.

it ~ vit

at ~ vat

aten ~ vaten

3.pl.

ez ~ vez

an ~ van

anen ~ vanen


(*) In Fındıklı-Ç’anapet, p’i, i, u ... With affirmation profix : dop’i, do(y)i, do(y)u ...


(AH-Pilarget)

subject

perfective

simple

optative

future

1.sg.

p’i

p’a

p’ar(e)

2.sg.

vi

va

var(e)

3.sg.

vu

vas

vasen

1.pl.

p’it

p’at

p’aten

2.pl.

vit

vat

vaten

3.pl.

ves

van

vanon


(HP)

subject

perfective

simple

optative

future

1.sg.

p’i

p’a

p’aminon

2.sg.

x’vi

x’va

x’vaginon

3.sg.

x’u

x’vaz ~ x’vas

x’vasinon ~ x’vasunon ~ x’vasiyon

1.pl.

p’it

p’at

p’aminonan ~ p’atminonan

2.pl.

x’vit

x’vat

x’vaginonan ~ x’vatginonan

3.pl.

x’vez ~ x’ves

x’van

x’vasinonan ~ x’vasunonan ~ x’vasiyonan


(ÇX)

subject

perfective

simple

optative

future

1.sg.

p’i

p’a

p’aun

2.sg.

x’vi

x’va

x’vaun

3.sg.

x’u

x’vas

x’vasun

1.pl.

p’it

p’at

p’atun

2.pl.

x’vit

x’vat

x’vatun

3.pl.

x’ves

x’van

x’vanun


Former simple perfective forms in the 1st person should have been *p’x’vi and *p’x’vit.

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.1.1.3. ilums (West, FN) ~ iloms (AH) EA actional verb

« he strikes ; he wounds ; he kills »


X’vilums/ x’vilups (he strikes ; he wounds) is a regular EA actional verb in eastern dialects.


In western and central dialects where the phoneme /x’/ disappeared, the verb corresponding ilums/ iloms is irregular : the 1st person subject marker is not {v-/b-} but {p’-}.


indicativeimperfectivepresent

subject

PZ, FN

ÇM, AŞ

AH

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

p’ilum

p’ilum

p’ilom

p’x’vilup

2.sg.

ilum

ilum

ilom

x’vilup

3.sg.

ilums

iluy

iloms

x’vilups

1.pl.

p’ilumt

p’ilumtu ~ p’ilumte

p’ilomt

p’x’vilupt

2.pl.

ilumt

ilumtu ~ ilumte

ilomt

x’vilupt

3.pl.

iluman

iluman

iloman

x’vilupan

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.1.1.4. oroms (Centre) « he loves » ED actional verb


X’orops (he loves) is a regular ED actional verb in eastern dialects.


In central dialects where the phoneme /x’/ disappeared, the corresponding verb oroms has irregular forms.


subject

FN, AH

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

p’orom

p’x’orop

2.sg.

orom

x’orop

3.sg.

oroms

x’orops

1.pl.

p’oromt

p’x’oropt

2.pl.

oromt

x’oropt

3.pl.

oroman

x’oropan


● Synonym : DA stative verb (→ 12.3.6.4.)

(ÇM)(AŞ) aoropen[1]


Cf. « he falls in love » DA evolutional verb

(FN-Ç’anapet) aoropen[2] (→12.4.3.2.)

(HP)(ÇX) ax’oropen

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.1.1.5. urams (Centre) « (a woman) cries and weeps »


X’uraps « (a human being, man or woman) cries and weeps » is a regular actional verb in eastern dialects.


In central dialects where the phoneme /x’/ disappeared, the corresponding verb urams « (a woman) cries and weeps » is irregular.


subject

FN, AH

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

p’uram

p’x’urap

2.sg.

uram

x’urap

3.sg.

urams

x’uraps

1.pl.

p’uramt

p’x’urapt

2.pl.

uramt

x’uramt

3.pl.

uraman

x’uraman

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.1.2. Anteposed person markers II


13.8.1.2.1. ilums (West, FN) ~ iloms (AH)

13.8.1.2.2. oroms (Centre)

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.1.2.1. ilums (West, FN) ~ iloms (AH) EA actional verb

« he strikes ; he wounds ; he kills »


X’vilums/ x’vilups (he strikes ; he wounds) is a regular EA actional verb in eastern dialects.


In western and central dialects where the phoneme /x’/ disappeared, the corresponding verb ilums/ iloms has irregular forms : the 1st person complement marker is not {m-} but {mp’-}.


When the phoneme /x’/ disappeared, its ejectivity and the bilabiality of the preceding phoneme /m/ should have given birth to the epenthetical consonant /p’/.


Table of conjugation in the imperfective present tense.


(AH)

ergative subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


k’ilom

k’ilomt

p’ilom

2.sg.

mp’ilom

mp’ilomt


ilom

3.sg.

mp’iloms

mp’iloman

k’iloms

k’iloman

iloms

1.pl.


k’ilomt

p’ilomt

2.pl.

mp’ilomt


ilomt

3.pl.

mp’iloman

k’iloman

iloman


(East)

ergative subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


k’x’vilup

k’x’vilupt

p’x’vilup

2.sg.

mx’vilup

mx’vilupt


x’vilup

3.sg.

mx’vilups

mx’vilupan

k’x’vilups

k’x’vilupan

x’vilups

1.pl.


k’x’vilupt

p’x’vilupt

2.pl.

mx’vilupt


x’vilupt

3.pl.

mx’vilupan

k’x’vilupan

x’vilupan

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.1.2.2. oroms (Centre) « he loves » ED actional verb


X’oroms/ x’orops (he loves) is a regular ED actional verb in eastern dialects.


In central dialects whre the phoneme /x’/ disappeared, the corresponding verb oroms is irregular : the 1st person complement marker is not {m-}, but {mp’-}.


Imperfective present tense (Centre)

ergative subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


k’orom

k’oromt

p’orom

2.sg.

mp’orom

mp’oromt


orom

3.sg.

mp’oroms

mp’oroman

k’oroms

k’oroman

oroms

1.pl.


k’oromt

p’oromt

2.pl.

mp’oromt


oromt

3.pl.

mp’oroman

k’oroman

oroman


Imperfective present tense (East)

ergative subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


k’x’orop

k’x’oropt

p’x’orop

2.sg.

mx’orop

mx’oropt


x’orop

3.sg.

mx’orops

mx’oropan

k’x’orops

k’x’oropan

x’orops

1.pl.


k’x’oropt

p’x’oropt

2.pl.

mx’oropt


x’oropt

3.pl.

mx’oropan

k’x’oropan

x’oropan


●●● This verb has only imperfective aspect. The votive mood is formed from imperfective past tense.


Votive mood (Centre) « ah, if only you loved me ! » etc

ergative subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.


k’oromt’ik’o

p’oromt’ik’o

2.sg.

mp’oromt’ik’o


oromt’ik’o

3.sg.

mp’oromt’uk’o

k’oromt’uk’o

oromt’uk’o

1.pl.


k’oromt’it’k’o

poromt’it’k’o

2.pl.

mp’oromt’it’k’o


oromt’it’k’o

3.pl.

mp’oromt’esko

k’oromt’esko

oromt’esko


ergative subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.


k’oromt’it’k’o

p’oromt’ik’o

2.sg.

mp’oromt’it’k’o


oromt’ik’o

3.sg.

mp’oromt’esko

k’oromt’esko

oromt’uk’o

1.pl.


k’oromt’it’k’o

p’oromt’it’k’o

2.pl.

mp’oromt’it’k’o


oromt’it’k’o

3.pl.

mp’oromt’esko

k’oromt’esko

oromt’esko


The votive mood of the verb x’orops (East) is formed also from imperfective past tense. (→ 13.4.2.4.3.)

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.2. Irregularity in the place of person marker

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.2.1. Anteposed person marker I

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.2.1.1. naxums/naxups « he washes (clothes) » EA actional verb


This verb should take forms like *bnaxum, *bnaxumt, etc with subject in the 1st person and complement in the 3rd person. Contrary to all expectations, we observe napxum, napxumt, etc in all dialects !


Apparently, the Laz phonemics cannot accept the consonant group /bn-/ at the beginning of word. Even if groups such as /ntx-/ or /mskv-/ at the biginning of word are trite in this language ......


The marker of subject in the 1st person and complement in the 3rd person, hereunder in pink letters, takes place inside the stem and become an infix in this verb.


ergative subject

indicativeimperfectivepresent

indicativesimple perfective

PZ, ÇM, AŞ, FN, AH

HP, ÇX

tous dialectes

1. sg

napxum

napxup

napxvi

2. sg

naxum

naxup

naxvi

3. sg

naxums ~ naxuy

naxups

naxu

1. pl

napxumt(u) ~ napxumte

napxupt

napxvit

2. pl

naxumt(u) ~ naxumte

naxupt

naxvit (*)

3. pl

naxuman

naxupan

naxves ~ naxvey ~ naxvez


The presence of preverb does not change the place of this marker. For example, ok’onaxums (he washes different clothes together) > ok’onapxum ~ ok’onapxup. (***)


(***) ok’obnapfxum ~ ok’obnapxum in FN-Ç’anapet according to Musa Karaalioğlu. The pronunciation of the consonant group /-bn-/ is not prohibited because it is not at the beginning of word. But the infix {-p-} did not disappeared. ([f] is an epenthetical consonant.)

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.2.1.2. putxun (PZ-Noxlamsu, Apso) « he is frightened » (*) actional verb


(*) homophony : (PZ + AŞ, most part)(CentreEast) Aø actional verb « it flies ; it is flying »


This verb should take the form *p- + putxur in the indicative mood imperfective present tense in the 1st person singular. The succession of same consonant such as /pp/ at the beginning of word is impossible to pronounce in Laz. (Besides, not only in Laz …) It is then possible to expect the form *putxur (which is observed for the homophonous verb meaning « he flies » in other dialects).


Ancesters of Pazar Laz people had found another solution. The 1st person subject marker became an infix which is shown below in pink letters.


absolutive subject

indicativeimperfectivepresent

PZ-west

« he is frightened »

AŞ most part , FN, AH, HP, ÇX 

«he flies »

1. sg.

puptxur

(p)putxur

2. sg.

putxur

putxur

3. sg.

putxun

putxun

1. pl.

puptxurt

(p)putxurtu ~ (p)putxurt

2. pl.

putxurt

putxurtu ~ putxurt

3. pl.

putxuran

putxunan


In the right part of the table, grey letter between parentheses (p) is the 1st person subject marker which is not pronounced.

____________________________________________________________________________________


13.8.2.2. Anteposed person marker II

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.2.2.1. (PZ) gorums EA actional verb

« 1. (All dialects) he looks for ; 2. (West) he wants »


How the Pazar Laz say « I look for you » ; *g- + gorum ? No. Impossible to pronounce. Then gorum ? Not either. You have cetainly find the solution. They say gogrum there.


(PZ)

subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


gogrum

gogrumt

bgorum

2.sg.

mgorum

mgorumt


gorum

3.sg.

mgorums

mgoruman

gogrums

gogruman

gorums

1.pl.



bgorumt

2.pl.

mgorumt

gogrumt

gorumt

3.pl.

mgoruman

gogruman

goruman


The use of infix is not observed in other dialects. We show below the conjugation of the same verb (meaning omly « look for ») in Arhavi.


(AH)

subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


(g)gorum

(g)gorumt

bgorum

2.sg.

mgorum

mgorumt


gorum

3.sg.

mgorums

mgoruman

(g)gorums

(g)goruman

gorums

1.pl.



bgorumt

2.pl.

mgorumt

(g)gorumt

gorumt

3.pl.

mgoruman

(g)goruman

goruman

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.3. Irregularity in the form of post-stem in the experiential mood

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.3.1. (ÇM)(AŞ) ziray/ zirams-i ? (*) EA actional verb

« he sees ; he finds »


According to the formation rule of experiential mood in western dialects, the form of experiential present tense with subject in the 3rd person singular of the verb ziray should be *uzirapun in the dialects of Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen.


The reality is contrary to all expectation. We observe uziramun. (→ 13.7.1.1.) And miziramun (I saw such a thing or person at least once somewhere), giziramun (you saw such a thing or person at least once somewhere) etc.


We did not observe any other verb showing the same irregularity.


(*) Z*irams (PZ), z*iroms (FN)(AH) and z*i(r)ops (HP)(ÇX) have regular forms in the experiential mood.

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.4. Verbs having polymorphic stem

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.4.1. no3’ers/ no3’en (PZ) ~ no3’en (ÇM)(AŞ) ~ o3’k’en/ o3’k’ers (FN)(AH) (HP) ~ o3’k’en (ÇX)

« he looks at » ED actional verb


The stem of the verb « to look at » has various forms in all dialects.


Hereunder the forms in different moods with subject in the 3rd person and complement in the 3rd person.


(In western dialects, this verb is not observed without preverb.)



PZ-Noxlamsu

PZ-Apso

ÇM, AŞ

FN, AH, HP, ÇX

[1]

no3’ers ~ no3’en

no3’en

o3’k’en ~ o3’k’ers

[2]

no3’eru

no3’edu

o3’k’edu

[3]

na3’elimen

na3’olimen

na3’omilen

a3’k’omilen

[4]

nu3’elimapun

nu3’olimapun

nu3’omilapun

u3’k’omilun


[1] indicative moodimperfectivepresent tense

[2] indicative moodsimple perfective

[3] potential moodimperfectivepresent tense

[4] experiential moodpresent tense


The stem of this verb is dimorphic in Pazar, and trimorphic in other dialects.


(PZ-Noxlamsu) {-3’er-}{-3’elim-}

(PZ-Apso) {-3’er-}{-3’olim-}

(ÇM)(AŞ) {-3’er-}{-3’ed-}{-3’omil-}

(FN)(AH)(HP)(ÇX) {-3’k’er-}{-3’k’ed-}{-3’k’omil-}

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.4.2. mo3’ons ~ mo3’ondun (CentreEast) DA evolutional verb

« he likes »


The stem of this verb is dimorphic or monomorphic according to the locality. It is {-3’on-} or {-3’ond-} in the imperfective and {-3’ond-} in the perfective.


(The corresponding verb in western dialects has a monomorphic stem. The representative form is mo3’ondun in all localities.)


The conjugation table is shown in the sub-chapter of « Evolutional verbs ». (→ 13.3.5.6.)

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.4.3. dogutun (West) ~ dodgitun (Centre, East)

« he stands up » Aø actional verb


The stem of Aø actional verb dogutun ~ dodgitun is √-dgin- in the potential mood.


(PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ) dvadginen « he can stand up »


(FN)(AH)(HP) dadginen


(ÇX) dvadginen


EA actional verb dodginams ~ dodginay ~ dodginaps « he makes s.o. or s.th. stand up » has no potential mood, probably because of unavoidable homophonic clash with the potential mood of dogutun ~ dodgitun.

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.4.4. st’un (West) ~ stun (Centre, East) « he slips » Aø actional verb


The stem of Aø actional verb st’un ~ stun in the potential mood and in the form of verbal noun is, according to the region, √-st’ulin- ~ √-st’vin- ~ √-stvin-.


Verbs with preverb deriving from it such as cest’un ~ gestun, celast’un ~ gelastun, nust’un ~ nustun have the same stems.


(PZ)(ÇM) verbal noun : ost’ulinu

potential mood, basic form : ast’ulinen


(AŞ) verbal noun : ost’vinu

potential mood, basic form : ast’vinen


(FN)(AH) verbal noun : ostvinu

potential mood, basic form : astvinen


(HP)(ÇX) This verb is not observed in the potential mood in astern dialects,

probably because of unavoidable homophonic clash with the potential mood of

stvinoms/ stvinops “he whistles ” (*).


(*) cf. sp’inums (PZ), sp’inuy (ÇM)(AŞ), stvinums (FN), ustvins ~ ustvinams (AH)

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.5. Verbs having multiple roots


13.8.5.1. ikums ~ ikoms ~ ikips

13.8.5.2. imers (AH)(HP) ~ imars (ÇX)

13.8.5.3. umers (AH)(HP) ~ umars (ÇX)

13.8.5.4. imxors ~ impxors ~ ipxors

13.8.5.5. it’urs ~ zop’ons ~ tkumers ~ tkumars

13.8.5.6. ulun

13.8.5.7. eşk’ulun ~ eşulun

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.5.1. ikums (West) ~ ikoms (Centre) ~ ikips (East) « he does » EA actional verb 


(PZ)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

experiential

present

simple

optative

present

present

1.sg.

vikum

p’i

p’a

maxenen

mixinapun ~ mixenapun

2.sg.

ikum

i

a

gaxenen

gixinapun ~ gixenapun

3.sg.

ikums

u

as

axenen

uxinapun ~ uxenapun

1.pl.

vikumt

p’it

p’at

maxeneran

mixinapuran ~ mixenapuran

2.pl.

ikumt

it

at

gaxeneran

gixinapuran ~ gixenaouran

3.pl.

ikuman

es

an

axeneran

uxinapuran ~ uxenapuran


(AŞ-east)


subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

experiential

present

simple

optative

present

present

1.sg.

bikum

p’i

p’a

maxenen

mixenapun

2.sg.

ikum

i

a

gaxenen

gixenapun

3.sg.

ikuy

u

ay

axenen

uxenapun

1.pl.

bikumtu

p’it

p’at

maxenenan

mixenapunan

2.pl.

ikumtu

it

at

gaxenenan

gixenapunan

3.pl.

ikuman

ey

an

axenenan

uxenapunan


(FN)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

experiential

present

simple

optative

present

present

1.sg.

bikom

p’i

p’a

maxenen

mixenun

2.sg.

ikom

i ~ vi

a ~ va

gaxenen

gixenun

3.sg.

ikoms

u ~ vu

az ~ vaz

axenen

uxenun

1.pl.

bikomt

p’it

p’at

maxenenan

mixenunan

2.pl.

ikomt

it ~ vit

at ~ vat

gaxenenan

gixenunan

3.pl.

ikoman

ez ~ vez

an ~ van

axenenan

uxenunan


(AH-Pilarget)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

experiential

present

simple

optative

present

present

1.sg.

bikom

p’i

p’a

maxenen

mixenun

2.sg.

ikom

vi

va

gaxenen

gixenun

3.sg.

ikoms

vu

vas

axenen

uxenun

1.pl.

bikomt

p’it

p’at

maxenenan

mixenunan

2.pl.

ikomt

vit

vat

gaxenenan

gixenunan

3.pl.

ikoman

ves

van

axenenan

uxenunan


(HP)(ÇX)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

experiential (***)

present

simple

optative

present

present

1.sg.

vikip

p’i

p’a

maxvenen

mixvenun

2.sg.

ikip

x’vi

x’va

gaxvenen

gixvenun

3.sg.

ikips

x’u

x’vaz

axvenen

uxvenun

1.pl.

vikipt

p’it

p’at

maxvenenan

mixvenunan

2.pl.

ikipt

x’vit

x’vat

gaxvenenan

gixvenunan

3.pl.

ikipan

x’vez

x’van

axvenenan

uxvenunan


The phoneme /-z/ at the final of word is pronounced /-s/ in certain localities.


●●● (***) (ÇX) Inhabitants of Çxala often confound the locution « participle + uğun » with the experiential mood because of a wrong translation between Laz and Turkish. See the chapter “14. Participles” for the following forms : xveneri miğun, xveneri giğun, xveneri uğun ... etc. ______________________________________________________________________


13.8.5.2. imers (AH)(HP) ~ imars (ÇX) [perfective : iğu] EA actional verb

« he carries away »


Imperfective and perfective stems of the laz verb meaning « to carry away » are of different roots in the dialects of Arhavi-Hopa-Çxala.


In the dialects of Pazar-Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen-Fındıklı, their imperfective and perfective stems are identical. The representative form (indicative mood imperfective present tense with subject in the 3rd person singular) is iğams. (*)


(*) In Pazar, iğams is a verb with dimorphic stem : experiential mood uğmalapun,

participle ğmaleri, verbal noun oğmalu, verbal adjective oğmaloni. See the chapters of

“Participles” (→ 14.) and “Verbal nouns and Verbal adjectives” (→ 15.). It is difficult

to know if {-ğ-} and {-ğmal-} are of the same root.


In Fındıklı, iğams is a verb with one root : experiential mood uğun/ uğapun, participle

ğeri/ ğaperi, verbal noun oğapu, verbal adjective oğoni/oğaponi.


In the potential mood imperfective present tense with subject in the 3rd person singular : ağen in all dialects.


In the experiential mood present tense with subject in the 3rd person singular : uğmalapun (PZ) ~ uğapun (AŞ) ~ uğun/ uğapun (FN) ~ uğinun (AH-centre) ~ uğapun (HP). The forms with affirmation profix are frequently used : menduğun ~ menduğapun. (The shorter one without affirmation profix, observed in Fındıklı, is homophonous with the stative verb meaning « to posses  ».)


The synonymous verb having preverb {me-} is also frequently used : mebimer, nimer, nimers ... (AH) / mevimer, nimer, nimers ... (HP) / mevimar, nimar, nimars (ÇX).


Absolutive complement of this verb has to be inanimate, obligatorily in the 3rd person. Its conjugation is monopersonal in consequence.


(AH)

subject

imperfective

perfective

present tense

past tense

converb (optative)

simple

optative

1.sg.

bime(r)

bime(r)t’i

bime(r)t’aşa

biği

biğa

2.sg.

ime(r)

ime(r)t’i

ime(r)t’aşa

iği

iğa

3.sg.

ime(r)s

ime(r)t’u

ime(r)t’aşa

iğu

iğaz

1.pl.

bime(r)t

bime(r)t’it

bime(r)t’atşa

biğit

biğat

2.pl.

ime(r)t

ime(r)t’it

ime(r)t’atşa

iğit

iğat

3.pl.

ime(r)nan

ime(r)t’ez

ime(r)t’anşa

iğez

iğan


(ÇX)

subject

imperfective

perfective

present tense

past tense

converb (optative)

simple

optative

1.sg.

vimar

vimart’i

vimart’aşa

viği

viğa

2.sg.

imar

imart’i

imart’aşa

iği

iğa

3.sg.

imars

imart’u

imart’aşa

iğu

iğas

1.pl.

vimart

vimart’it

vimart’atşa

viğit

viğat

2.pl.

imart

imart’it

imart’atşa

iğit

iğat

3.pl.

imalan

imart’es

imart’anşa

iğes

iğan

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.5.3. umers (AH)(HP) ~ umars (ÇX) [perfective : uğu] EDA actional verb

« he carries s.th. away for or instead of s.o. » 


Imperfective and perfective stems of the verb meaning « to carry s.th. away for or instead of s.o. » are of different roots in the dialects of Arhavi-Hopa-Çxala. (As the dative complement is expressed, the indicative is the only fundamental mood of this verb.) (1)(2)


(1) In the dialects of Pazar-Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen-Fındıklı, imperfective and perfective

stems are identical. The representative form (indicative moodimperfectivepresent

tense with subject in the 3rd person singulrdative complement in the 3rd person) is uğams.


(2) The synonymous verb having the preverb {me-} is also frequently used :

mebumer, numer, numers ...


(HP) indicative modimperfectivepresent tense

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


gimer

gimert

vumer

2.sg.

mimer

mimert


umer

3.sg.

mimers

mime(r)nan

gimers

gime(r)nan

umers

1.pl.


gimert

vumert

2.pl.

mimert


umert

3.pl.

mime(r)nan

gime(r)nan

ume(r)nan


(HP) indicative moodsimple perfective

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


giği

giğit

vuği

2.sg.

miği

miğit


uği

3.sg.

miğu

miğez

giğu

giğez

uğu

1.pl.



vuğit

2.pl.

miğit

giğit

uğit

3.pl.

miğez

giğez

uğez

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.5.4. imxors (West)(FN) ~ impxors (FN) ~ ipxors (AH) ~ imxors (HP)

« he eats » EA actional verb


The affirmation profix is {o-} for this verb.


(ÇX) The corresponding verb in Çxala is ç’k’omups. Its stem is monomorphic.


(PZ)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

experiential

present

simple

optative

present

present

1.sg.

vimxor

pşk’omi

pşk’oma

maşk’omen

mişk’omapun

2.sg.

imxor

şk’omi

şk’oma

gaşk’omen

gişk’omapun

3.sg.

imxors

şk’omu

şk’omas

aşk’omen

uşk’omapun

1.pl.

vimxort

pşk’omit

pşk’omat

maşk’omeran

mişk’omapuran

2.pl.

imxort

şk’omit

şk’omat

gaşk’omeran

gişk’omapuran

3.pl.

imxoran

şk’omes

şk’oman

aşk’omeran

uşk’omapuran


(AH)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

experiential

present

simple

optative

present

present

1.sg.

bipxor

p’ç’k’omi

p’ç’k’oma

maç’k’omen

miç’k’omun

2.sg.

ipxor

ç’k’omi

ç’k’oma

gaç’k’omen

giç’k’omun

3.sg.

ipxors

ç’k’omu

ç’k’omaz

aç’k’omen

uç’k’omun

1.pl.

bipxort

p’ç’k’omit

p’ç’k’omat

maç’k’omenan

miç’k’omunan

2.pl.

ipxort

ç’k’omit

ç’k’omat

gaç’k’omenan

giç’k’omunan

3.pl.

ipxo(r)nan

ç’k’omez

ç’k’oman

aç’k’omenan

uç’k’omunan


(HP)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

experiential

present

simple

optative

present

present

1.sg.

vimxor

p’ç’k’omi

p’ç’k’oma

maç’k’omen

miç’k’omun

2.sg.

imxor

ç’k’omi

ç’k’oma

gaç’k’omen

giç’k’omun

3.sg.

imxors

ç’k’omu

ç’k’omaz

aç’k’omen

uç’k’omun

1.pl.

vimxort

p’ç’k’omit

p’ç’k’omat

maç’k’omenan

miç’k’omunan

2.pl.

imxort

ç’k’omit

ç’k’omat

gaç’k’omenan

giç’k’omunan

3.pl.

imxo(r)nan

ç’k’omez

ç’k’oman

aç’k’omenan

uç’k’omunan

_______________________________ _______________________________________


13.8.5.5. it’urs (West) ~ zop’ons (Centre) ~ tkumers (HP) ~ tkumars (ÇX)

« he says (interlocutor non-expressed) » EA actional verb


This verb has multiple roots only in western and central dialects. We show below also the conjugation tables of eastern dialects for the comparison.


The verb meaning  « to tell to a determined interlocutor » is u3’omers ~ u3’umers ~ u3’umars.


(PZ)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

experiential

present

simple

optative

present

present

1.sg.

vit’ur

p’t’k’vi

p’t’k’va

mazit’en

mizit’apun

2.sg.

it’ur

t’k’vi

t’k’va

gazit’en

gazit’apun

3.sg.

it’urs

t’k’u

t’k’vas

azit’en

uzit’apun

1.pl.

vit’urt

p’t’k’vit

p’t’k’vat

mazit’eran

mizit’apuran

2.pl.

it’urt

t’k’vit

t’k’vat

gazit’eran

gizit’apuran

3.pl.

it’uran

t’k’ves

t’k’van

azit’eran

uzit’apuran


(AŞ-east)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

experiential

present

simple

optative

present

present

1.sg.

bit’ur

p’t’k’vi

p’t’k’va

mazit’en

mizit’apun

2.sg.

it’ur

t’k’vi

t’k’va

gazit’en

gizit’apun

3.sg.

it’uy

t’k’u

t’k’vay

azit’en

uzit’apun

1.pl.

bit’urtu

p’t’k’vit

p’t’k’vat

mazit’enan

mizit’apunan

2.pl.

it’urtu

t’k’vit

t’k’vat

gazit’enan

gizit’apunan

3.pl.

it’urtey

t’k’vey

t’k’van

azit’enan

uzit’apunan


(FN)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

experiential

present

simple

optative

present

present

1.sg.

bzop’on

ptkvi

ptkva

matkven

mitkun ~ mitkvinun

2.sg.

zop’on

tkvi

tkva

gatkven

gitkun ~ gitkvinun

3.sg.

zop’ons

tku

tkvaz

atkven

utkun ~ utkvinun

1.pl.

bzop’ont

ptkvit

ptkvat

matkvenan

mitkunan ~ mitkvinunan

2.pl.

zop’ont

tkvit

tkvat

gatkvenan

gitkunan ~ gitkvinunan

3.pl.

zop’onan

tkvez

tkvan

atkvenan

utkunan ~ utkvinunan


(AH-Pilarget)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

experiential

present

simple

optative

present

present

1.sg.

bzop’on

p’t’k’vi

p’t’k’va

mat’k’ven

mit’k’vinun

2.sg.

zop’on

t’k’vi

t’k’va

gat’k’ven

git’k’vinun

3.sg.

zop’ons

t’k’u

t’k’vas

at’k’ven

ut’k’vinun

1.pl.

bzop’ont

p’t’k’vit

p’t’k’vat

mat’k’venan

mit’k’vinunan

2.pl.

zop’ont

t’k’vit

t’k’vat

gat’k’venan

git’k’vinunan

3.pl.

zop’onan

t’k’ves

t’k’van

at’k’venan

ut’k’vinunan


(HP)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

experiential

present

present

optative

present

present

1.sg.

ptkumer

ptkvi

ptkva

matkven

mitkvinun

2.sg.

tkumer

tkvi

tkva

gatkven

gitkvinun

3.sg.

tkumers

tku

tkvaz

atkven

utkvinun

1.pl.

ptkumert

ptkvit

ptkvat

matkvenan

mitkvinunan

2.pl.

tkumert

tkvit

tkvat

gatkvenan

gitkvinunan

3.pl.

tkume(r)nan

tkvez

tkvan

atkvenan

utkvinunan


(ÇX)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

experiential (*)

present

simple

optative

present

present

1.sg.

ptkumar

ptkvi

ptkva

matkven

mitkvinun

2.sg.

tkumar

tkvi

tkva

gatkven

gitkvinun

3.sg.

tkumars

tku

tkvas

atkven

utkvinun

1.pl.

ptkumat

ptkvit

ptkvat

matkvenan

mitkvinunan

2.pl.

tkumart

tkvit

tkvat

gatkvenan

gitkvinunan

3.pl.

tkumalan

tkves

tkves

atkvenan

utkvinunan


(*) (ÇX) According to Taner Merttürk, they say also mitkumalun, gitkumalun ...


The Eø actional verb zopons (→ 13.12.2.) in eastern dialects means « he narrates ». It is quasi-homophonous with the indicative mood imperfective of the verb meaning « he says » in central dialects.

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.5.6. ulun « he goes » actional verb 


The verb ulun and all verbs deriving from it by addition of a preverb have two kinds of forms in the indicative mood imperfective past tense.


The second forms express rather short unexpected travelling.


●●● The stem of indicative mood perfective of the verb ulun is not identical to that of verbs deriving from it by addition of a preverb. See following article.


(PZ)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

impersonal

experiential

present

simple

present

present

present

1.sg.

vulur

vidi

malen

ilven

milvapun

2.sg.

ulur

idi

galen

gilvapun

3.sg.

ulun

idu

alen

ulvapun

1.pl.

vulurt

vidit

maleran

milvapuran

2.pl.

ulurt

idit

galeran

gilvapuran

3.pl.

uluran

ides

aleran

ulvapuran


subject

indicative mood imperfective

past tense I

past tense II

1.sg.

vulurt’i

vit’i

2.sg.

ulurt’i

it’i

3.sg.

ulurt’u

it’u

1.pl.

vulurt’it

vit’it

2.pl.

ulurt’it

it’it

3.pl.

ulurt’es

it’es


(AŞ-east)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

impersonal

experiential

present

simple

present

present

present

1.sg.

bulur

bidi

malen

ilen ~ ilinen

milvapun

2.sg.

ulur

idi

galen

gilvapun

3.sg.

ulun

idu

alen

ulvapun

1.pl.

bulurtu

bidit

malenan

milvapunan

2.pl.

ulurtu

idit

galenan

gilvapunan

3.pl.

ulunan

idey

alenan

ulvapunan


subject

indicative mood imperfective

past tense I

past tense II

1.sg.

bulurt’i

bit’t’i

2.sg.

ulurt’i

it’t’i

3.sg.

ulurt’u

it’t’u

1.pl.

bulurt’it

bit’t’it

2.pl.

ulurt’it

it’t’it

3.pl.

ulurt’ey

it’t’ey


(FN)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

impersonal

experiential

present

simple

present

present

present

1.sg.

bulur

bidi

maxtinen ~ malen

ixtinen ~ ilen ~ ilinen

mixtimun

2.sg.

ulur

idi

gaxtinen ~ galen

gixtimun

3.sg.

ulun

idu

axtinen ~ alen

uxtimun

1.pl.

bulurt

bidit

maxtinenan ~ malenan

mixtimunan

2.pl.

ulurt

idit

gaxtinenan ~ galenan

gixtimunan

3.pl.

ulunan

idez

axtinenan ~ alenan

uxtimunan


subject

indicative mood imperfective

past tense I

past tense II

1.sg.

bulu(r)t’i ~ bulut’t’i

bit’i

2.sg.

ulu(r)t’i ~ ulut’t’i

it’i

3.sg.

ulu(r)t’u ~ ulut’t’u

it’u

1.pl.

bulu(r)t’it ~ bulut’t’it

bit’it

2.pl.

ulu(r)t’it ~ ulut’t’it

it’it

3.pl.

ulu(r)t’ez ~ ulut’t’ez

it’ez


(HP)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

impersonal

experiential

present

simple

present

present

present

1.sg.

vulur

vidi

malen

ilinen

mixtimun

2.sg.

ulur

idi

galen

gixtimun

3.sg.

ulun

idu

alen

uxtimun

1.pl.

vulurt

vidit

malenan

mixtimunan

2.pl.

ulurt

idit

galenan

gixtimunan

3.pl.

ulu(r)nan

idez

alenan

uxtimunan


subject

indicative mood imperfective

past tense I

past tense II

1.sg.

vulurt’i

vit’i

2.sg.

ulurt’i

it’i

3.sg.

ulurt’u

it’u

1.pl.

vulurt’it

vit’it

2.pl.

ulurt’it

it’it

3.pl.

ulurt’ez

it’ez


In the village of Hopa-Azlağa, indicative mood imperfective present tense with subject in the 3rd person plural has the form ulvan (*Uluran > *uluan > ulvan). The form ulvan is also observed in the dialects of Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen as a variant of uluran ~ ulunan.


In Çxala, indicative mood imperfective present tense with subject in the 3rd person plural has the form ulan. ______________________________________________________________________


13.8.5.7. eşk’ulun ~ eşulun « he goes up a slope at a stretch » Aø actional verb


Verbs deriving from ulun with a preverb (formation :{preverb + ulun}) are conjugated like the verb ulun except two important points.


1. Their perfective stem is {-xt’-/-xt-}.


2. They have two series of conjugation in the indicative mood perfective and in the future tense. (*)


(*) Second forms express that the action is realized in a hurry. They give more

importance to the rapidity of action than the final destination.


(ÇM-M3’anu)

subj.

imperfective

perfective

potential

impers.

experiential

present tense

simple I

present t.

present t.

present t.

1.sg

eşk’evulur

eşk’aft’i

eşk’emalen

eşk’ilen

eşk’emilvapun

2.sg

eşk’ulur

eşk’axt’i

eşk’egalen

eşk’egilvapun

3.sg

eşk’ulun

eşk’axt’u

eşk’valen

eşk’ulvapun

1.pl

eşk’evulurte

eşk’aft’ite

eşk’emaleran

eşk’emilvapuran

2.pl

eşk’ulurte

eşk’axt’ite

eşk’egaleran

eşk’egilvapuran

3.pl

eşk’uluran

eşk’axt’ey

eşk’valeran

eşk’ulvapuran


subject

imperfectifve

perfective

future tense

past tense I

past t. II

simple II

I

II

1.sg

eşk’evulurt’i

eşk’evit’t’i

eşk’evili

eşk’aft’are

eşk’evilare

2.sg

eşk’ulurt’i

eşk’it’t’i

eşk’ili

eşk’axt’are

eşk’ilare

3.sg

eşk’ulurt’u

eşk’it’t’u

eşk’ilu

eşk’axt’asen

eşk’ilasen

1.pl

eşk’evulurt’ite

eşk’evit’t’ite

eşk’evilite

eşk’aft’aten

eşk’evilaten

2.pl

eşk’ulurt’ite

eşk’it’t’ite

eşk’ilite

eşk’axt’aten

eşk’ilaten

3.pl

eşk’ulurt’ey

eşk’it’t’ey

eşk’iley

eşk’axt’anen

eşk’ilanen


(FN-Ç’anapet)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

impersonal

experiential

present t.

simple I

present t.

present t.

present t.

1.sg

eşebulur

eşafti

eşemalen

eşixtinen

eşemixtimun

2.sg

eşulur

eşaxti

eşegalen

eşegixtimun

3.sg

eşulun

eşaxtu

eşalen

eşuxtimun

1.pl

eşebulurt

eşaftit

eşemalenan

eşemixtimunan

2.pl

eşulurt

eşaxtit

eşegalenan

eşegixtimunan

3.pl

eşulunan

eşaxtez

eşalenan

eşuxtimunan


subject

imperfective

perfective 

future tense

past tense I

past t. II

simple II

I

II

1.sg

eşebulurt’i ~ eşebulut’t’i

eşebit’i

eşebili

eşaftare

eşebilare

2.sg

eşulurt’i ~ eşulut’t’i

eşit’i

eşili

eşaxtare

eşilare

3.sg

eşulurt’u ~ eşulut’t’u

eşit’u

eşilu

eşaxtasen

eşilasen

1.pl

eşebulurt’it ~ eşebulut’t’it

eşebit’it

eşebilit

eşaftaten

eşebilaten

2.pl

eşulurt’it ~ eşulut’t’it

eşit’it

eşilit

eşaxtaten

eşilaten

3.pl

eşulurt’ez ~ eşulut’t’ez

eşit’ez

eşilez

eşaxtanen

eşilanen


(AH-centre)

subject

imperfective

perfective

potential

impersonal

experiential

present tense

simple I

present t.

present t.

present t.

1.sg

eşebulur

eşapti

eşemalen

eşilinen

eşemixtimun

2.sg

eşulur

eşaxti

eşegalen

eşegixtimun

3.sg

eşulun

eşaxtu

eşalen

eşuxtimun

1.pl

eşebulurt

eşaptit

eşemalenan

eşemixtimunan

2.pl

eşulurt

eşaxtit

eşegalenan

eşegixtimunan

3.pl

eşulunan

eşaxtez

eşalenan

eşuxtimunan


subject

imperfective

perfective

future tense

past tense I

past t. II

simple II

I

II

1.sg

eşebulurt’i

eşebit’i

eşebili

eşaptare

eşebilare

2.sg

eşulurt’i

eşit’i

eşili

eşaxtare

eşilare

3.sg

eşulurt’u

eşit’u

eşilu

eşaxtasen

eşilasen

1.pl

eşebulurt’it

eşebit’it

eşebilit

eşaptaten

eşebilaten

2.pl

eşulurt’it

eşit’it

eşilit

eşaxtaten

eşilaten

3.pl

eşulurt’ez

eşit’ez

eşilez

eşaxtanoren

eşilanoren

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.6. Verbs having forms without stem


One of variants of polymorphic stem can be √-ø- for some Laz verbs.

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.6.1. Verb of existence, Verb of presence, Verb-copula

____________________________________________________________________________


13.8.6.1.1. Imperfective present (West) « he is » etc


In western dialects, normal form of verb-copula in the indicative mood imperfective present tense with subject in the 3rd person singular is on. After comparison with various regional forms of the 1st person singular (vore ~ vor ~ borer ~ bore) and those of 2nd person singular (ore ~ or ~ orer), we see that the stem √-r- has disappeared in the 3rd person singular.


Ham mu on ? (ÇM)(AŞ) What is it ?


Simetimes, after words finishing by a vowel, even the pre-stem is lost.


Ham muya n ? (PZ) What is it ?

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.6.1.2. Imperfective past tense (CentreEast) « he was » etc


In central and eastern dialects, normal forms of verb of existence, verb of presence and verb-copula in the indicative mood imperfective past tense with subject in the 2nd and 3rd person are rt’i, rt’u, rt’it, rt’ez, non-accented. They loose very frequently the phoneme /r/ - which is the stem - and take the forms t’i, t’u, t’it, t’ez.


The disappearing of the phoneme /r/ is regular after words finishing by a consonant.


Ğoma Cemali hek t’u. (FN)(AH) Cemali was here yesterday.

~ Ğoman Cemali ek t’u. (HP)(ÇX)

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.6.2. The verb « to become » : Perfective (AŞ)(a part of FN)


In the dialects of Pazar-Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen and a part of Fındıklı, the simple perfective of the verb « to become » iyen ~ iven ~ ix’ven is viyi ~ biyi, iyi, iyu, ... or, with the affirmation profix, deviyi ~ doviyi ~ dobiyi, diyi, diyu. The epenthetical consonant /y/ takes place of stem.


In Ardeşen and Fındıklı, forms such as dobii, dii, diu ... without epenthetical consonant are sometimes observed. The stem is √ø in this case.

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.6.3. ADP evolutional verb, AD evolutional verb, DP evolutional verb (FN)


In the dialects of Fındıklı, ADP evolutional verb, AD evolutional verb and DP evolutional verb have the form a(y)en ~ aven.


The epenthetical consonant /y/ is generally not pronounced in the dialects of Ç’anapet, Ç’ennet and some other villages. Forms without stem such as maer, maen, mau, maez, maaz, gaa, (d)aa ... are observed there.

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.6.4. The verb ulun « he goes » (and derivated verbs) : Imperfective past tense second forms


Second forms of imperfective mood past tense of the actional verb ulun are without stem : vit’i ~ bit’i, it’i, it’u ....


Verbs deriving from ulun by addition of preverb such as mulun (he comes), eşk’ulun ~ eşulun (he goes up in a stretch) etc have also second forms without stem in the imperfective mood past tense: mevit’i ~ mebit’i, eşk’evit’i ~ eşebit’i ... etc.

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.6.5. The verb ikums ~ ikoms ~ ikips « he does »: Perfective


A. (All dialects) Indicative mood simple perfective in the 1st person singular and plural of the verb ikums ~ ikoms ~ ikips are respectively p’i and p’it in all dialects : the stem is √-ø-.


B. (West)(a part of FN) The stem of forms in the 2nd and 3rd persons is √-x’v-, √-v- or √ -ø- according to the localities. Forms without stem such as i, u, it, es ~ ey ~ ez are observed in Pazar-Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen and a part of Fındıklı.


C. (West)(a part of FN) The perfective optative mood is without stem in all persons in western dialects and in those of a part of Fındıklı : p’a, a, as ~ ay ~ az, p’at, at, an.

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.7. Verbs having two kinds of post-stems

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.7.1. Yipşen (ÇX) Aø actional verb

1. (a receptacle) fills

2. (heart of s.o.) fills

2.a. he has difficulty in restraining his anger

2.b. he has difficulty in keeping back his tears


In the dialects of Çxala, post-stem of the verb yipşen in the indicative mood imperfective is {-ap-} in the 1st and 2nd persons and {-er-} in the 3rd person.


Here is a hypothesis of explanation. The table shown below represents the hybridation of two verbs : *yipşaps (he has difficulty in restraining explosion of his feelings) and yipşen (a receptacle fills).


yipşen 

subject in the absolutive

indicative mood imperfective present tense

indicative mood simple perfective

future tense

1.sg.

ma(n)

yevipşap

yevipşi

yevipşaun

2.sg.

si(n)

yipşap

yipşi

yipşaun

3.sg.

iya

yipşen

yipşu

yipşasun

1.pl.

çkin

yevipşapt

yevipşit

yevipşatun

2.pl.

tkvan

yipşapt

yipşit

yipşatun

3.pl.

entepe

yipşenan

yipşes

yipşanun

______________________________________________________________________


13.8.7.2. (FN) oxut’k’va3un « run »


In the dialects of Fındıklı, Aø actional verb oxut’k’va3un has two kinds of post-stems : {-am-} ~ {-ur-} in the 1st and 2nd persons; {-ur-} in the 3rd person.


The pre-stem {i-/u-} of this verb has no apparent function.


 “run”

subject

indicative : imperf. present

indicative : simple perfective

1.sg

oxobut’k’va3am ~ oxobut’k’va3ur

oxobut’k’va3i

2.sg

oxut’k’va3am ~ oxut’k’va3ur

oxut’k’va3i

3.sg

oxut’k’va3un

oxut’k’va3u

1.pl

oxobut’k’va3amt ~ oxobut’k’va3urt

oxobut’k’va3it

2.pl

oxut’k’va3amt ~ oxut’k’va3urt

oxut’k’va3it

3.pl

oxut’k’va3unan

oxut’k’va3ez


N3xeni oxut’k’va3un. (FN) The horse is running.

______________________________________________________________________


13.9. Causative verbs


In Laz, causative verbs are formed only from and EA actional verbs according to our definition. (→ 12.5.)


Causative verbs have no potential, experiential and impersonal moods. The indicative is the only basic mood.


In the dialects of Pilarget, Sidere and Jin-Napşit in Arhavi, causative verbs having the causative marker {-ap-} have regularly the post-stem {-em}. Except this regional particularity, The conjugation of causative verbs is entirely parallel woth that of actional verbs.

______________________________________________________________________


13.9.1. Causative verbs having the marker {-in-}


obgarinams ~ omgarinaps ~ obgarinaps « he makes weep » in the imperfective present tense


subject

PZ

AŞ-Ok’ordule

AH-Pilarget

HP

1.sg.

vobgarinam

bobgarinam

bobgarinam

vomgarinap

2.sg.

obgarinam

obgarinam

obgarinam

omgarinap

3.sg.

obgarinams

obgarinay

obgarinams

omgarinaps

1.pl.

vobgarinamt

bobgarinamtu

bobgarinamt

vomgarinapt

2.pl.

obgarinamt

obgarinamtu

obgarinamt

omgarinapt

3.pl.

obgarinaman

obgarinaman

obgarinaman

omgarinapan

______________________________________________________________________


13.9.2. Causative verbs having the marker {-ap-}


oncirapams ~ oncirapems ~ oncirapaps « he makes sleep » in the imperfective present tense


subject

PZ

AŞ-Ok’ordule

AH-Pilarget

HP

1.sg.

voncirapam

boncirapam

boncirapem

voncirapap

2.sg.

oncirapam

oncirapam

oncirapem

oncirapap

3.sg.

oncirapams

oncirapay

oncirapems

oncirapaps

1.pl.

voncirapamt

boncirapamtu

boncirapemt

voncirapapt

2.pl.

oncirapamt

oncirapamtu

oncirapemt

oncirapapt

3.pl.

oncirapaman

oncirapaman

oncirapeman

oncirapapan

______________________________________________________________________


13.10. Verbs of enticement


13.10.1. Verbs of enticement deriving from evolutional verbs

13.10.1.1. guç’ondinams ~ guç’ondrinay

13.10.1.2. goç’ondinams ~ gvoç’ondrinay

~ goç’k’ondinapams ~ goç’k’endinapems ~ goç’k’endinapams

~ goç’k’endinapaps/goç’k’ondinapaps ~ gvoç’k’endinapaps

13.10.1.3. mu3’ondinams ~ mu3’ondrinay

13.10.1.4. mo3’ondinams ~ mo3’ondrinams

~ mo3’ondinapams ~ mo3’ondinapems ~ mo3’ondinapaps


13.10.2. Reflexive verbs of enticement

13.10.2.1. ioropinams ~ ix’oropinaps


Conjugation of verbs of enticement is parallel with that of causative verbs.

______________________________________________________________________


13.10.1. Verbs of enticement deriving from evolutional verbs

______________________________________________________________________


13.10.1.1. guç’ondinams (PZ-Noxlamsu) ~ guç’ondrinay (AŞ-Ok’ordule)

EDA verb of enticement « he makes forget »


(PZ-Noxlamsu) indicative moodimperfectivepresent

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.


gogiç’ondinam

govuç’ondinam

2.sg.

gomiç’ondinam


guç’ondinam

3.sg.

gomiç’ondinams

gogiç’ondinams

guç’ondinams

1.pl.


gogiç’ondinamt

govuç’ondinamt

2.pl.

gomiç’ondinamt


guç’ondinamt

3.pl.

gomiç’ondinaman

gogiç’ondinaman

guç’ondinaman


subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.


gogiç’ondinamt

govuç’ondinam

2.sg.

gomiç’ondinamt


guç’ondinam

3.sg.

gomiç’ondinaman

gogiç’ondinaman

guç’ondinams

1.pl.


gogiç’ondinamt

govuç’ondinamt

2.pl.

gomiç’ondinamt


guç’ondinamt

3.pl.

gomiç’ondinaman

gogiç’ondinaman

guç’ondinaman


(PZ) Hinik beres nana-muşi guç’ondines.

« They made the child forget his mother. »(*)


(*) « They were so kind that the child did not ask his mother while he was with them. »


(AŞ-Ok’ordule) indicative moodimperfectivepresent tense

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.


gogiç’ondrinam

gobuç’ondrinam

2.sg.

gomiç’ondrinam


guç’ondrinam

3.sg.

gomiç’ondrinay

gogiç’ondrinay

guç’ondrinay

1.pl.


gogiç’ondrinamtu

gobuç’ondrinamtu

2.pl.

gomiç’ondrinamtu


guç’ondrinamtu

3.pl.

gomiç’ondrinaman

gogiç’ondrinaman

guç’ondrinaman


subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.


gogiç’ondrinamtu

gobuç’ondrinam

2.sg.

gomiç’ondrinamtu


guç’ondrinam

3.sg.

gomiç’ondrinaman

gogiç’ondrinaman

guç’ondrinay

1.pl.


gogiç’ondrinamtu

govuç’ondrinamtu

2.pl.

gomiç’ondrinamtu


guç’ondrinamtu

3.pl.

gomiç’ondrinaman

gogiç’ondrinaman

guç’ondrinaman


Hini bere nana-muşi guç’ondriney. (AŞ-Ok’ordule)


« They made the child forget his mother. »

______________________________________________________________________


13.10.1.2. goç’ondinams (PZ-Apso) ~ gvoç’ondrinay (ÇM)(AŞ-Ortaalan) ~ goç’k’ondinapams (FN) ~ goç’k’endinapems (AH-Pilarget, Sidere, Jin Napşit) ~ goç’k’endinapams (AH centre) ~ goç’k’endinapaps/goç’k’ondinapaps (HP) ~ gvoç’k’endinapaps (ÇX)


EDA verb of enticement « he makes forget »


(AŞ-Ortaaln) indicative moodimperfectivepresent

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.


gogoç’ondrinam

goboç’ondrinam

2.sg.

gomoç’ondrinam


goç’ondrinam

3.sg.

gomoç’ondrinay

gogoç’ondrinay

goç’ondrinay

1.pl.


gogoç’ondrinamtu

goboç’ondrinamtu

2.pl.

gomoç’ondrinamtu


goç’ondrinamtu

3.pl.

gomoç’ondrinaman

gogoç’ondrinaman

goç’ondrinaman


subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.


gogoç’ondrinamt

goboç’ondrinam

2.sg.

gomoç’ondrinamtu


goç’ondrinam

3.sg.

gomoç’ondrinaman

gogoç’ondrinaman

goç’ondrinay

1.pl.


gogoç’ondrinamtu

goboç’ondrinamtu

2.pl.

gomoç’ondrinamtu


goç’ondrinamtu

3.pl.

gonoç’ondrinaman

gogoç’ondrinaman

goç’ondrinaman


(FN) indicative moodimperfectivepresent

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.


gogoç’k’ondinapam

goboç’k’ondinapam

2.sg.

gomoç’k’ondinapam


goç’k’ondinapam

3.sg.

gomoç’k’ondinapams

gogoç’k’ndinapams

goçk’ondinapams

1.pl.


gogoç’k’ondinapamt

goboç’k’ondinapamt

2.pl.

gomoç’k’ondinapamt


goç’k’ondinapamt

3.pl.

gomoç’k’ondinapaman

gogoç’k’ondinapaman

goç’k’ondinapaman


subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.


gogoç’k’ondinapamt

goboç’k’ondinapam

2.sg.

gomoç’k’ondinapamt


goç’k’ondinapam

3.sg.

gomoç’k’ondinapaman

gogoç’k’ondinapaman

goç’k’ondinapams

1.pl.


gogoç’k’ondinapamt

goboç’k’ondinapamt

2.pl.

gomoç’k’ondinapamt


goç’k’ondinapamt

3.pl.

gonoç’k’ondinapaman

gogoç’k’ondinapaman

goç’k’ondinapaman


Heyak berez nana-muşi guç’k’ondinapez. (FN)


« They made the child forget his mother. »


(AH-Pilarget) indicative moodimperfectivepresent

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.


gogoç’k’endinapem

goboç’k’endinapem

2.sg.

gomoç’k’endinapem


goç’k’endinapem

3.sg.

gomoç’k’endinapems

gogoç’k’endinapems

goçk’endinapems

1.pl.


gogoç’k’endinapemt

goboç’k’endinapemt

2.pl.

gomoç’k’endinapemt


goç’k’endinapemt

3.pl.

gomoç’k’endinapeman

gogoç’k’endinapeman

goç’k’endinapeman


subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.


gogoç’k’endinapemt

goboç’k’endinapem

2.sg.

gomoç’k’endinapemt


goç’k’endinapem

3.sg.

gomoç’k’endinapeman

gogoç’k’endinapeman

goç’k’endinapems

1.pl.


gogoç’k’endinapemt

goboç’k’endinapemt

2.pl.

gomoç’k’endinapemt


goç’k’endinapemt

3.pl.

gonoç’k’endinapeman

gogoç’k’endinapeman

goç’k’endinapeman


Hemtepek berez nana-muşi guç’k’endinapez. (AH)

« They made the child forget his mother. »


(HP) indicative moodimperfectivepresent

(Forms such as govoç’k’ondinapap, goç’k’ondinapap .... are also observed )


subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.


gogoç’k’endinapap

govoç’k’endinapap

2.sg.

gomoç’k’endinapap


goç’k’endinapap

3.sg.

gomoç’k’endinapaps

gogoç’k’endinapaps

goçk’endinapaps

1.pl.


gogoç’k’endinapapt

govoç’k’endinapapt

2.pl.

gomoç’k’endinapapt


goç’k’endinapapt

3.pl.

gomoç’k’endinapapan

gogoç’k’endinapapan

goç’k’endinapapan


subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.


gogoç’k’endinapapt

govoç’k’endinapap

2.sg.

gomoç’k’endinapapt


goç’k’endinapap

3.sg.

gomoç’k’endinapapan

gogoç’k’endinapapan

goç’k’endinapaps

1.pl.


gogoç’k’endinapapt

govoç’k’endinapapt

2.pl.

gomoç’k’endinapapt


goç’k’endinapapt

3.pl.

gonoç’k’endinapapan

gogoç’k’endinapapan

goç’k’endinapapan

______________________________________________________________________


13.10.1.3. mu3’ond(r)inams (PZ-Noxlamsu) ~ mu3’ondrinay (AŞ-Ok’ordule)

EDA verb of enticement « he makes s.o. like s.th. »


(PZ-Noxlamsu) indicative moodimperfectivepresent

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.


mogi3’ondinam

movu3’ondinam

2.sg.

momi3’ondinam


mu3’ondinam

3.sg.

momi3’ondinams

mogi3’ondinams

mu3’ondinams

1.pl.


mogi3’ondinamt

movu3’ondinamt

2.pl.

momi3’ondinamt


mu3’ondinamt

3.pl.

momi3’ondinaman

mogi3’ondinaman

mu3’ondinaman


subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.


mogi3’ondinamt

movu3’ondinam

2.sg.

momi3’ondinamt


mu3’ondinam

3.sg.

momi3’ondinaman

mogi3’ondinaman

mu3’ondinams

1.pl.


mogi3’ondinamt

movu3’ondinamt

2.pl.

momi3’ondinamt


mu3’ondinamt

3.pl.

momi3’ondinaman

mogi3’ondinaman

mu3’ondinaman


(AŞ-Ok’ordule) indicative moodimperfectivepresent

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.


mogi3’ondrinam

mobu3’ondrinam

2.sg.

momi3’ondrinam


mu3’ondrinam

3.sg.

momi3’ondrinay

mogi3’ondrinay

mu3’ondrinay

1.pl.


mogi3’ondrinamtu

mobu3’ondrinamtu

2.pl.

momi3’ondrinamtu


mu3’ondrinamtu

3.pl.

momi3’ondrinaman

mogi3’ondrinaman

mu3’ondrinaman


subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.


mogi3’ondrinamtu

mobu3’ondrinam

2.sg.

momi3’ondrinamtu


mu3’ondrinam

3.sg.

momi3’ondrinaman

mogi3’ondrinaman

mu3’ondrinay

1.pl.


mogi3’ondrinamtu

movu3’ondrinamtu

2.pl.

momi3’ondrinamtu


mu3’ondrinamtu

3.pl.

momi3’ondrinaman

mogi3’ondrinaman

mu3’ondrinaman

______________________________________________________________________


13.10.1.4. mo3’ondinams (PZ-Apso) ~ mo3’ondrinams (AŞ-Ortaalan) ~ mo3’ondinapams (FN)(AH centre) ~ mo3’ondinapems (AH-Pilarget, Sidere, Jin Napşit) ~ mo3’ondinapaps (HP)(ÇX)

EDA verb of enticement « he makes s.o. like s.th. »


(FN)(AH centre)

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.


mogo3’ondinapam

mobo3’ondinapam

2.sg.

momo3’ondinapam


mo3’ondinapam

3.sg.

momo3’ondinapams

mogo3’ondinapams

mo3’ondinapams

1.pl.


mogo3’ondinapamt

mobo3’ondinapamt

2.pl.

momo3’ondinapamt


mo3’ondinapamt

3.pl.

momo3’ondinapaman

mogo3’ondinapaman

mo3’ondinapaman


subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.


mogo3’ondinapamt

mobo3’ondinapam

2.sg.

momo3’ondinapamt


mo3’ondinapam

3.sg.

momo3’ondinapaman

mogo3’ondinapaman

mo3’ondinapams

1.pl.


mogo3’ondinapamt

mobo3’ondinapamt

2.pl.

momo3’ondinapamt


mo3’ondinapamt

3.pl.

momo3’ondinapaman

mogo3’ondinapaman

mo3’ondinapaman

______________________________________________________________________


13.10.2. Reflexive verbs of enticement

______________________________________________________________________


13.10.2.1. ioropinams (WestCentre) ~ ix’oropinaps (East)

EA reflexive verb of enticement « me makes s.o. love himself »


(FN)(AH centre)

subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg


gioropinam

gioropinamt

bioropinam

2.sg

mioropinam

mioropinamt


ioropinam

3.sg

mioropinams

mioropinaman

gioropinams

gioropinaman

ioropinams

1.pl


gioropinamt

bioropinamt

2.pl

mioropinamt


ioropinamt

3.pl

mioropinaman

gioropinaman

ioropinaman


(HP)(ÇX)

subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg


gix’oropinap

gix’oropinapt

vix’oropinap

2.sg

mix’oropinap

mix’oropinapt


ix’oropinap

3.sg

mix’oropinaps

mix’oropinapan

gix’oropinaps

gix’oropinapan

ix’oropinaps

1.pl


gix’oropinapt

vix’oropinapt

2.pl

mix’oropinapt


ix’oropinapt

3.pl

mix’oropinapan

gix’oropinapan

ix’oropinapan

______________________________________________________________________


13.11. Verbs of evaluation


13.11.1. « to be taken for someone else » AP verb of evaluation

13.11.2. « to give wrong identity  to s.o. » DAP verb of evaluation

13.11.3. « to resemble » AD verb of evaluation

13.11.4. « to take s.o. for another person » (*)

13.11.5. « to be worth » AL/A.Dir verb of evaluation


(*) pseudo-causative verb which may be a calque of a Turkish verb

______________________________________________________________________


13.11.1. di3’onen (PZ-HP) ~ i3’onen (ÇX) « he is taken for someone else » AP verb of evaluation


Monopersonal conjugation.


indicative moodimperfectivepresent

subject

PZ

ÇM-M3’anu

AH

HP

ÇX

1.sg.

devi3’oner

dovi3’oner

dobi3’oner

dovi3’oner

vi3’oner

2.sg.

di3’oner

di3’oner

di3’oner

di3’oner

i3’oner

3.sg.

di3’onen

di3’onen

di3’onen

di3’onen

i3’onen

1.pl.

devi3’onert

dovi3’onerte

dobi3’onert

dovi3’onert

vi3’onert

2.pl.

di3’onert

di3’onerte

di3’onert

di3’onert

i3’onert

3.pl.

di3’oneran

di3’oneran

di3’onenan

di3’onenan

i3’onelan

______________________________________________________________________


13.11.2. dva3’onen (West) ~ da3’onen (Centre) ~ a3’onen (HP) ~ a3’onapun (ÇX)

«  he gives wrong identity to s.o. » DAP verb of evaluation


The conjugation of this verb is monopersonal in western dialects and bipersonal in central and eastern dialects.


(In Fındıklı, monopersonal conjugation is sometimes observed.)


Example of conjugation with absolutive complement in the 3rd person (mono- or bipersonal) in the indicative mood imperfective present tense

dative subj.

PZ, ÇM

FN, AH

HP

ÇX

1.sg.

doma3’onen

doma3’onen

ma3’onen

ma3’onapun

2.sg.

doga3’onen

doga3’onen

ga3’onen

ga3’onapun

3.sg.

dva3’onen

da3’onen

a3’onen

a3’onapun

1.pl.

doma3’oneran

doma3’onenan

ma3’onenan

ma3’onapunan

2.pl.

doga3’oneran

doga3’onenan

ga3’onenan

ga3’onapunan

3.pl.

dva3’oneran

da3’onenan

a3’onenan

a3’onapunan


Example bipersonal conjugation :

(HP) indicative moodimperfectivepresent

dative subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


ma3’oner

ma3’onert

ma3’onen

2.sg.

ga3’oner

ga3’onert


ga3’onen

3.sg.

va3’oner

va3’onert

a3’oner

a3’onert

a3’onen

1.pl.


ma3’onert

ma3’onenan

2.pl.

ga3’onert


ga3’onenan

3.pl.

va3’onert

a3’onert

a3’onenan


Xasaniz ma Xuseni va3’oner. (HP) Xasani believes that I am Xuseni.

Xasanis ma Xuseni va3’onapur. (ÇX)

______________________________________________________________________


13.11.3. nungums (PZ) ~ numgvay (ÇM) ~ nungvay (AŞ) ~ nungams (FN)(AH) ~ nungaps (HP) nugaps (ÇX)

« he resembles » AD verb of evaluation

Construction : « s.o. [absolutive] to s.o. [dative = dative complement] resembles »


(ÇX) indicative moodimperfectivepresent

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


megigap

megigapt

mevugap

2.sg.

memigap

memigapt


nugap

3.sg.

memigaps

memigapan

megigaps

megigapan

nugaps

1.pl.


megigapt

mevugapt

2.pl.

memigapt


nugapt

3.pl.

memigapan

megigapan

nugapan


Givi ma memimgums-i ? (PZ) Does Givi resemble to me ?

~ Givi ma memimgvams-i ? (ÇM)

~ Givi ma memingvams-i ? (AŞ)

~ Givi ma memingams-i ? (FN)(AH)

~ Givi ma memingaps-i ? (HP)

~ Givi ma memigaps-i ? (ÇX)

______________________________________________________________________


13.11.4. numgvapams/ numgvapinams (PZ) ~ numgvapinay (ÇM) ~ nungvapay (AŞ) ~ nungapams (FN)(AH) ~ nungapaps (HP) ~ nugapaps (ÇX)

« he takes s.o. for another person »

Verb of evaluation which may be a calque of a Turkish verb


This verb does not enter in any category of Laz verbs because of its morphological and syntactical singularity. It may be calque of the Turkish verb “benzetmek” which means “take s.o. for s.o. else” but word-to-word “make resemble”. See the preceding chapter. (→ 12.8.4.)


The conjugation is bipersonal like that of all actional verbs expressing the dative complement.


See also the preceding chapter for the potential mood namgvapen ~ nangvapen ~ nangapen ~ nagapen « he takes s.o. for another person but he sees the error by himself immediately ». The conjugation is monopersonal like that of all actional verbs in the potential mood.

_____________________________________________________________________________


13.11.5. ğirs (PZ);

ğirun (ÇM);

ğins (FN-Ç’anapet, Ç’enneti);

ğirs (FN-Sumla)(AH)(HP)(ÇX)

« it is worth » AL/A.Dir verb of evaluation


● These verbs are unknown in large areas of Ardeşen and Arhavi. Detailed researches

are necessary concerning their distribution area apparently discontinuous.


1st and 2nd person forms are rarely observed.


In the dialects of Hopa, the phoneme /r/ often disappears before consonant.


imperfective present tense

subject

PZ

ÇM

FN-Ç’anapet, Ç’enneti

FN-Sumla, AH, HP, ÇX

1.sg.

bğir

?

bğin

bğir

2.sg.

ğir


ğin

ğir

3.sg.

ğirs

ğirun

ğins

ğirs

1.pl.

bğirt


bğint

bğirt

2.pl.

ğirt


ğint

ğirt

3.pl.

ğiran


ğinan

ğinan

imperfective past tense

subject

PZ

ÇM

FN-Ç’anapet, Ç’enneti

FN-Sumla ~ ÇX

1.sg.

bğirt’i

?

bğint’i

bğirt’i

2.sg.

ğirt’i


ğint’i

ğirt’i

3.sg.

ğirt’u

ğirurt’u

ğint’u

ğirt’u

1.pl.

bğirt’it


bğint’it

bğirt’it

2.pl.

ğirt’it


ğint’it

ğirt’it

3.pl.

ğirt’es


ğint’ez

ğirt’ez ~ ğirt’es


imperfective optative mood

subject

PZ

ÇM

FN-Ç’anapet, Ç’enneti

FN-Sumla ~ ÇX

1.sg.

bğirt’a

?

bğint’a

bğirt’a

2.sg.

ğirt’a


ğint’a

ğirt’a

3.sg.

ğirt’as

ğirurt’ay

ğint’az

ğirt’az ~ ğirt’as

1.pl.

bğirt’at


bğint’at

bğirt’at

2.pl.

ğirt’at


ğint’at

ğirt’at

3.pl.

ğirt’an


ğint’an

ğirt’an

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13.12. Defective verbs

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13.12.1. Verbs that are observed only in the negative  

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13.12.1.1. va(r)-dibağen (PZ)(ÇM)


I. (PZ ~ ÇM) Aø stative verb  « he is in a constant state of anger »


Xasanis hik’u hersi mvalu ç’i var-dibağen. (PZ-Cigetore)

« Xasani has been so angry that he is still fuming. »


Ali berepeşa guri komvalu. Ç’umandele-şuk’ule var-dibağen. (ÇM-Ğvant)

« Ali has fallen out with children. He is still fuming from morning. »


II. (ÇM) A.Ins stative verb « he does not stop (to do sth.) » 


Oxorca ozit’ute va-dibağen. (ÇM-Ğvant)

« The woman does not stop to talk about nothings. »

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13.12.1.2. va(r)-dvabağen (PZ ~ ÇM)(AŞ-Ortaalan)


I. (PZ ~ ÇM) DA stative verb « he is never satisfied with sth. »


Xasanis nak’u-ti-na meçare meçi, var-dvabağen. (PZ-Cigetore)

« You’ll give as much as you can to Xasani. He is never satisfied. »


Ali na-ayasen lazut’i var-dvabağen. (ÇM-Ğvant)

« Ali is never satisfied with maize that he harvests. »


II. (AŞ) D.Abl stative verb « he does not stop (to do sth.) »


Oxorca ozit’uşe va-dvabağen. (AŞ-Ortaalan)

« The woman does not stop to talk about nothings. »

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13.12.2. Oroms (Centre) ~ x’orops (East)

« he loves » ED actional verb


This is an actional verb having only imperfective forms. (*)


(*) Even if it has only imperfective forms, it is surely an actional verb because it governs the ergative subject.


Conjugation table of the verb oroms (→ 13.8.1.1.4., 13.8.1.2.2.)

Conjugation table of the verb x’orops (→ 13.4.2.4.3., 13.8.1.2.2.)

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13.12.3. zopons (HP)(ÇX) « he narrates » Eø actional verb


An actional verb having only imperfective forms.


It is morphologically very close to the EA verb zop’ons « he says » of central dialects. They can be of same origin.

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13.12.4. ovinori/ obinori (West) [meaning unknown]


This verb is observed only in the indicative mood simple perfective in the 1st person singular and always preceded by the profix {o-} in the refrains of love songs.


oviç’vi do ovinori (PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ) I am burnt and ...?...

~ obiç’vi do obinori (AŞ)



Certain Laz think that this verb means « to burn and become ash ». They are not unanimous.


Indicative mood imperfective present tense 3rd person singular of this verb may have forms like *inoren, *inorams etc : none of them are not attested.

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13.13. Verbs having « reflexive » or « passive » meaning


A certain number of Laz verbs correspond to reflexive verbs or passive voice in other languages. In Laz grammar system, they are ordinary Aø or AD actional verbs that do not form any particular verb category.

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13.13.1. iz*iren ~ iziren « he is seen » Aø actional verb


(AŞ-Ok’ordule)

subject

imperfective

perfective

present

past tense

converb future

simple

future

1. sg.

bizirer

bizirert’i

bizirert’aşa

biziri

bizirare

2. sg.

izirer

izirert’i

izirert’aşa

iziri

izirare

3. sg.

iziren

izirert’u

izirert’aşa

iziru

izirasen

1. pl.

bizirertu

bizirert’it

bizirert’atşa

bizirit

biziraten

2. pl.

izirertu

izirert’it

izirert’atşa

izirit

iziraten

3. pl.

izirenan

izirert’ey

izirert’anşa

izirey

iziranen


(HP-Makreal)

subject

imperfective

perfective

present

past tense

converb future

simple

future

1. sg.

viz*ire

viz*iret’i

viz*iret’aşi

viz*iri

viz*iraminon

2. sg.

iz*ire

iz*iret’i

iz*iret’aşi

iz*iri

iz*iraginon

3. sg.

iz*iren

iz*iret’u

iz*iret’aşi

iz*iru

iz*irasinon

1. pl.

viz*iret

viz*iret’it

viz*iret’atşi

viz*irit

viz*iraminonan

2. pl.

iz*iret

iz*iret’it

iz*iret’atşi

iz*irit

iz*iraginonan

3. pl.

iz*irenan

iz*iret’ez

iz*iret’anşi

iz*irez

iz*irasinonan

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13.13.2. t’roxun (PZ-HP) ~ t’ruxun (ÇX) « it is broken » Aø actional verb


(PZ westcentre)

subject

imperfective

perfective

present

past tense

converb future

simple

optative

1. sg.






2. sg.






3. sg.

t’roxun

t’roxurt’u

t’roxurt’aşa

t’roxu

t’roxasere

1. pl.






2. pl.






3. pl.

t’roxuran

t’roxurt’es

t’roxurt’anşa

t’roxes

t’roxan


(AH centre)

subject

imperfective

perfective

present

past tense

converb future

simple

optative

1. sg.






2. sg.






3. sg.

t’roxun

t’roxut’u

t’roxut’aşi

t’roxu

t’roxasen

1. pl.






2. pl.






3. pl.

t’roxunan

t’roxut’ez

t’roxut’anşi

t’roxez

t’roxanoren

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13.13.3. ut’roxun AD actional verb


1. (PZ ~ AH) « (a part of body) throbs »

2. (HP) « to have headache because of chill or a broken heart  »


(PZ-AH)(HP)

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.





2.sg.





3.sg.

mit’roxun

mit’roxuran ~ mit’roxunan

git’roxun

git’roxuran ~ git’roxunan

ut’roxun

1.pl.




2.pl.




3.pl.

mit’roxuran ~ mit’roxunan

git’roxuran ~ git’roxunan

ut’roxuran ~ ut’roxunan


Ti mit’roxun. (PZ-AH) My head is throbbing.

(HP) I have headache. (*)


(*) In Hopa, they say “Ti mivalums/ Ti mivalups for “My head is throbbing.”